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Mass media: the 'propaganda model', Herman and Chomsky

Herman, Edward S. and Noam Chomsky. 1988. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon Books.

Source: Person in black jacket in selective focus photography, Philipp Wüthrich, Unsplash

Source: Person in black jacket in selective focus photography, Philipp Wüthrich, Unsplash

Herman and Chomsky

Summary

Claim: a 'propaganda model' of the mass media: "the media serve, and propagandize on behalf of, the powerful societal interests that control and finance them" (xi)

Keywords: media, propaganda, US, soviet

In conversation with:

Aim:

Method: comparing leading US media to Pravda in the Soviet Union to prove the out the following key features:

  • news is produced by a relatively concentrated industry of several dozen profit-making corporations
  • the industry is dependent on advertising for its profits
  • it is dependent on government officials for its sources
  • it is intimidated by right-wing pressure groups
  • it is imbued with anti-communist ideology.

also has media of other countries as case studies (Guatemala)

Why important

To academics: as a different angle for media analysis

To general public: promotes better understanding of how media work in general

Relevance to my research: might give some insights for my thinking about ideology

- - - -

Notes:

Herman and Chomsky deny ideological contestation. "What institutional mechanisms or cultural traditions or contradictions of power provide room for debate and revision? The political economy perspective typically does not say" (Schudson, 1989: 270)

"what journalists do, what they see as newsworthy, and what they take for granted as premises of their work are frequently well explained by the incentives, pressures, and constraints incorporated into such a structural analysis" (xi)

tags: media, propaganda, US, Herman Chomsky
categories: research notes
Monday 05.04.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

Approaches to the sociology of news

Schudson, Michael. n.d. “The Sociology of News Production.” July 1, 1989 11(3):263–82.

Source: Black typewriter, Arlington Research, Unsplash

Source: Black typewriter, Arlington Research, Unsplash

Michael Schudson, Sociology of news production

Summary

Claim: Journalism is where the news are "made"

Keywords: Journalism, news, ideology,

In conversation with: Molotch and Lester and Tuchman; Herman and Chomsky; Pearce,Freud and Laing; Stuart Hall on 'news values'. Organisational approach (Rothman and the Lichters)

Aim:

Method: Comparative study

Why important

To academics: contributes to contemporary sociological studies of news

To general public:

Relevance to my research:

- - - -

Notes:

There are four approaches to the sociology of news:

1. Political economy approach: For understanding the. broad outlines of the news product. ideological aspect of newswork

2. Organisational approach. Routine (planed and promoted by the same agent); scandal (planned by one and promoted by the other); accident (unplaned and promoted by the other).

3. Culturological approach: while there are events continuosly occuring in the world, they are shaped and curated by the media, which create a discourse around them. Eg what critics say about the work of art, and the publication about on The Guardian is as much part of a work of art, as the artefact or event itself. Eg., in Stuart Hall - "of the millions of events which occur every day in the world, only a tiny portion ever become visible as 'potential news stories'" (277)

tags: Journalism, news, ideology
categories: research notes
Monday 04.20.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

Labour question as an identity question - direct and indirect market mediation

Neto, Jeanne and Maya Gonzalez. 2013. The Logic of Gender. Endnotes (3).

Source: Tina Bosse, Three red front-load clothes dryers, Unsplash

Source: Tina Bosse, Three red front-load clothes dryers, Unsplash

Summary

Claim: Marxist feminism categories are no longer enough to understand why humanity is inscribed into one or the other gender, they need clarifying and transformation, because "reproductive" activities no longer occupy the same structural positions within the capitalist totality.

Keywords: feminism, social reproduction theory, value, labour-power

In conversation with: Marx, Capital, chapters on Labour power and social reproduction. Follow Judith Butler in the criticism of the sex/gender binary coming from pre-1990s feminism. seeing value in Silvia Federici's contribution to marxist feminist debate, however opposing the position influential in the commons that reorganisation of reproductive work is not a question of identity but a question of labour. It is argued, on the contrary, that the labour question is an identity question. Julia Kristeva's theorisation of abject in Essay on Abjection, 1982.

Aim: to debunk the established gendered forms of domination under capitalism - productive/reproductive, paid/unpaid, public/private, sex/gender, offering a new social reproduction theory reading to these categories

Method: Establishes two new shperes for theorising gender, IMM and DMM. Then performs comparative analysis of those four traditional categories (listed in the aim) within those two new spheres.

Why important

To academics: contributes to understanding why and how gender is used in today's society

To general public: explains why traditional feminist categories are no longer sufficient to explaining the processes taking place in today's society.

Relevance to my research:

- the view of the worker as a commodity is important in my analysis of subject and object in both industrial and software production models.

- articulates the difference between IMM and DMM, which is crucial for developing imaginations of same processes that function in and out of capitalist modes of production

Source: Nathan Dumlao, Close-up photo of top hanged on rack, Unsplash

Source: Nathan Dumlao, Close-up photo of top hanged on rack, Unsplash

Notes:

1. PRODUCTION/REPRODUCTION

1) On labour-power as a distinctive commodity. There is a sphere dissociated from the value production, where the dead labour of means of subsistence is transformed into the living labour found in the market.

Picks up from the Marx's quote as something to build argument with: "Whatever the form of the process of production in a society, it must be a continuous process, must continue to go periodically through the same phases. A society can no more cease to produce than it can cease to consume. When viewed, therefore, as a connected whole, and as flowing on with incessant renewal, every social process of production is, at the same time, a process of reproduction" (Marx, 1976: 711). They note then the contradictory character of commodity, whereby one the one hand it stands via its use-value, as a particular object different from the next, while on the other it contains an aliquot portion of "total social labour" within society. The latter notion is important, since it umbrellas both productive and reproductive labour.

The labourer confronts the capitalist mode of production as a commodity, at the same time as the subject meeting the object. Further, it is argued that while labour-power is a unique commodity, Marx does not distinguish its production from other commdities, merely claiming that it is valued as the value of production of its means of subsistence. However, to Gonzalez and Neto, means of subsistence on their own do not produce labour-power as a ready made commodity. This is where they see the gap - Marx does not consider labour that transforms raw materials, eg means of subsistence, into labour-power commodity as necessary labour at all. G&N explain the lack of interest in Marx to this labour by the fact that it takes place in "a sphere of the capitalist mode of production which is not directly mediated by the form of value". Using a principle that in order for value to exist, it needs to have an exterior,

2) Separation into two different spheres. In order to understand how labour-power is produced, it is necessary to differentiate not by theorising a "reproductive sphere" but by rather drawing a divide between commodified and non-commodified activities: the directly market-mediated sphere (DMM) and the indirectly market-mediated sphere (IMM).

DMM is characterized by the productivity, efficiency and product uniformity (for software, not necessarily "uniformity" but rather compliance with client/other requirements). The return on investment is paramount to all activities. Outside of DMM, there is no market-determination.

IMM has different temporality, different from capitalist working day (check M. Postone's abstract time).

G&N also define different forms of domination: DMM has impersonal, abstract domination, which organises it via the value-comparison in terms of socially necessary labour time. IMM, on the contrary, is socially determined - including direct domination, violence or hierarchical forms of cooperation.

Source: Filip Mroz, Chores, Unsplash

Source: Filip Mroz, Chores, Unsplash

2. PAID/UNPAID

This is a categorisation used by marxist feminists, which needs to be replaced by a more precise waged/unwaged. Wage here is a price for which the worker sells his labour-power. G&N point out that wagd /unwaged does not map neatly to IMM/DMM scheme - while all of unwaged labour is IMM, some of IMM is in fact waged - those are the activities organised by the state sector. There is also a refrence to social validation that happens through wage, which is seen as social form of value (more on this, Christine Delphy, Close to Home: A Materialist Analysis of Women’s Oppression. Hutchinson, 1984).

What does the wage buy? eg which element of the wage constitutes exchange-value of labour power. It buys commoditiies necessary for the reproduction of labor-power. The non-waged activites located outside of value exchange are necessarily dissociated to make a production of value possible - this sphere for G&N is a gendered sphere. These activites are non-labour and are naturalised. As it says in Grundrisse, "the increase of population is a natural force of labour, for which nothing is paid. From this standpoint, we use the term natural force to refer to the social force. All natural forces of social labour are themselves historical products.)" (Marx, 1973:400).

Labour G&N propose to define broadly in opposition to non-labour as an activity that is socially validated as such, because of its specific function. However seemingly banal, such definition is seen as more productive for understanding the character of unwaged activities rather than exchange between man and nature or expense of energy.

3. PUBLIC/PRIVATE

Public/private as the way of distingusihing between economic and political, civil society and the state (these two categories are also held as opposites in Marx). G&N argue that it is only in the pre-modern relations that private was limited to the household. From the advent of capitalism, "the scope of private spans the entire social landscape".

Public, in Marx, is the abstraction from society in the form of the state. Public in this shape is required for the capitalists to accumulate the capital in an independent way, rather than being controlled by the state - and abstract community of "equal citizens". Thereby, the relation of public/private to DMM/IMM is as follows: in DMM citizens defined by the state manage their labour-power directly, while in IMM through those with formal equality.

How does sex/gender map to these spheres? When in the capitalist mode of production the abstract formulation of the "citizen" and "other" came about, these categories were mapped on "white male"/"non-white non-male" positions.

G&N argue that what constitutes the citizen/other binary though is not slavery, but "free" labour - which to Marx is a technical definition of freedom for the wage labourer. Free labourer is the one who has their labour-power for sale, but is short of anything else in order to realise it (Marx, 1976:272-273).

Please revisit the section on Public/private later, because it is quitedense and some bits, like the idea of freedom and the mapping sex/gender on IMM/DMM is not entirely clear

Women here occupy the position of someone who were free fro the means of production, but were not free from selling their labour-power as their own. Only recently they became the owners of their labour-power (a "double freedom", political and "public"). G&N note here, however that a new form of analysis of proletarian identity is also required. Such an identity as an abstraction based upon the common form of unfreedom, was never going to account for everyone.

Women in their fight for freedom were caught between, using G&N own terms, the freedom as "citizen" and freedom as "other", fighting for human and civil rights on one side and for reproductive rights on the other. But the gender distinction has persisted even when the "differential" freedom of women was abolished. However, if that differential freedom was what anchored women to the IMM sphere, why didn't this abolishion also free them from category of "women"?

DOUBLE-FREEDOM AND THE SEX-BLIND MARKET

G&N see the reason for that in that the mechanism of unfreedom in the "private sphere of the economic", the labour-market was inscribed so deeply that it appeared as a mysterious "natural law". Market, it is argued, have to be "sex-blind" because it functions via the comparison of abstract values.

It doesm, on the other hand, reinforce a concrete attribute, such as gender difference, because women, defined as those who bear children, are seen as coming to the market with a potential disadvantage. This anchors them to the IMM sphere. In other words, the contradiction here is that abstract capital punishes women for their concrete sex attribute, even though this sex difference is necessary for the reproduction of capitalism itself. Female labour-power thus has a higher social cost, and, contradictory, cheaper market price.

In the addendum on women, biology and children, conflation of three definitive factors of child-bearing agent (particular body biology, fact of bearing a child and specific relation to the result of this bearing) obscures two things. On one side, the mechanisms that regulate childbirth - marriage, contraceptives, shame of non-child bearing forms of sex activity. On the other, the changing definition of what a child is.

Source: Capturing the human heart., Group of toddlers on the school with teacher teaching, Unsplash

Source: Capturing the human heart., Group of toddlers on the school with teacher teaching, Unsplash

4. SEX/GENDER

Sex is defined as anchoring a specific group of individuals to specific spheres of activity. As well as the process of anchoring, it is the process of reproduction of two separate genders.

Going back to Butler for the critique of gender/sex binary, G&N observe that "gender" is socially tethered to culture, and sex is driven equally towards nature. Butler's counter proposition to this dynamic that G&N align with is that "sex is the naturalisation of gender’s dual projection upon bodies, aggregating biological differences into discrete naturalised semblances" (not sure I get that fully at this point, need to study Butler's critique of Simone de Beauvoir’s ‘uncritical reproduction of the Cartesian distinction between freedom and the body.’ Judith Butler, Gender Trouble (Routledge 1990), chapter 1: ‘Subjects of Sex/Gender/Desire.’ ) G&N however, arrive to this notion not via the critique of the existentialist ontology of the body, as Butler, but via the alternative route, through value. They draw the analogy between the sex/gender relation (of the social body) and the value/fetishism dualism of the commodity.

Sex is then the use-value that attaches itself to gender as (exchange-) value. Gender is the abstraction that determines the body to which it is attached, in the same way as real abstraction of value transforms the material body of the commodity.

I do see how sex and gender are historically determined, but it is unclear how is it that both are "purely social". Likewise, this is arguable that both use-value can be abolished in the process of communisation together with exchange-value - since, supposedly, people will still need things for something, even after communisation?

Sex and gender are seen as two side of the same coin, and the more the abstraction of gender becomes denaturalised, the more natural and biological sex appears. Female gender in essence signifies a lower price tag. Extending the gender/sex/use value/exhange value allegory, gender relations are constantly renegotiated, reimposed and re-naturalised in a dialectical process.

5. THE HISTORY OF GENDER WITHIN CAPITALISM

The section offers a periodisation in order to break down this dialectical movement, on the example of the family.

1) Primitive accumulation (18th-19thc). The two genders and the IMM/DMM spheres de facto did not map to one another, even though women were responsible for the IMM and wage was the responsibility of men.

2) Nuclear family and Fordism (19thc). Fordism introduced new standards for production and consumption, and the crisis of reproduction of labour force at the beginning of this period has necessitated a more rigid gender coding, strictly confining women to the IMM. House work became doable by one woman alone because of the home appliances.

3) The 70s: real subsumption and commodification of IMM activities. While many IMM activites becoming rationalised, the time spent on childcare could not be reduced (still 24 hours a day), and instead redistributed to poor immigrants and women of colour. Thus, there is an abject - something which either cannot or not worth subsuming.

Source: Danurwendho Adyakusuma, Tea collector, Unsplash

Source: Danurwendho Adyakusuma, Tea collector, Unsplash

6. CRISIS AND AUSTERITY MEASURES: THE RISE OF THE ABJECT

Why do G&N propose to differentiate abject and the IMM activities conceptually, even though in practice the two can be one and the same? Abject, comgin from Julia Kristeva's theorisation in Essay on Abjection, is defined as activities that were waged but becoming unwaged because they are too costly for the state or capital. IMM is a "purely structural category, independent of any dynamic".

In conclusion, G&N argue that if gender, through the process of denaturalisaion, is becoming an external constraint, it is, if not necessairily less powerful, but does present a possibility to abolish. Can this externality be seen as purely accidental?

tags: feminism, social reproduction theory, value, labour-power, abject, marxism, market mediation
categories: research notes
Tuesday 04.07.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

Against the hard systems thinking: lean and agile

Kidd, Paul. 1994. Agile Manufacturing: Forging New Frontiers. Addison-Wesley Publishing Company. https://www.goodreads.com/book/show/1118795.Agile_Manufacturing?from_search=true.

Source: Brown squirrel on brown post. Dušan Smetana, Unsplash

Source: Brown squirrel on brown post. Dušan Smetana, Unsplash

Summary

Claim: Mass production paradigm which is used in US and Europe cannot compete with new models because of its inflexibility and high amounts of waste (2).

Keywords: mass production, lean manufacture, agile manufacture

In conversation with: the Japanese lean manufacturing, which is seen as something 'we' should catch up with and overtake. Taylorist model, against which the critique is built (109). Hard systems thinking (182), as a belief that requirements can be defined upfront, is rejected in favour of incremental delivery.

Aim: to delineate agile from lean and to explain how the two differ.

Method: develops the methodology of agile in comparison with lean system used in Japan. The reason for Japan/the West is not explained and brings about further doubts as to whether cultural differences also have any impact on the capitalist modes of production in globalized market. The shortcoming of existing mass production model is seen in its division of organisation, people and technology independently, where agile improves by addressing those three components in their unity (3).

The book follows a narrative method and looks at three broad themes: (a) conceptual framework of agile; (b) cultural and methodological challenges in switching to agile; (c) designing a methodology for agile enterprise.

Why important

To CEO's, manufacturing strategists and engineers. Manufacturing researchers and policymakers: to gain a broad picture of the whole agile enterprise (viii).

To general public: the new way of manufacturing is something that both the workers, and the environment will benefit from.

Relevance to my research: Kidd's theory is an example of an early attempt to theorize agile, thus rejecting the difference between digital vs other types of production, which would allow me to spot any pitfalls in this kind of analysis. Also, I need to know how agile works is non-digital sphere, for the purposes of my comparative study.

- - - -

Notes:

Agile manufacturing is defined as a business concept that is able to respond to changes in the market environment by using knowledge as its fundamental resource (2).

Lean manufacturing is explained as having several interacting sub-systems: product design and production, supply chain and sales (141).

Taylorism (107) - a traditional manufacturing strategy, system aimed at maximising control, where people are used in a narrow mechanistic way.

Kidd characterises key trends of Taylorist doctrine as follows: reductionism (dealing with issues in isolation), optimisation of components, one best way, absence of goal definition (problems and goals are not questioned), mechanistic model of people. hierarchical and centralising style, value free design (no political, moral, ethical or other bias), separation of thinking and doing, individual reward for individual effort (prioritising individual over the team) (108).

To Kidd, the danger of Taylor model is that it has been around for so long, it has been assimilated into the cultural practices of labour and is largely taken for granted. Yet, as production environment were growing more chaotic and competitive from the early 2000s, the model was rapidly becoming obsolete. Technological determinism aside, the most dangerous attribute of Taylorist model is the legacy of which is still haunting much of the theory around today’s management is the stark antagonism implied in the worker-manager relationship - something the Kidd calls “separation of thinking and doing”. The initiative is removed from the teams, encouraging a counterproductive ‘us and them’ attitude to work, that has become synonymous with poor industrial relations (Kidd, 1994:111). My thesis takes the critique one step further by placing the managerial fuction outside of capitalist mode production all together - a blind spot of not only Kidd’s project, but much of other research done in professional sphere (see also Rubin, 2012 and Wang and Koh, 2010).

tags: mass production, lean manufacture, agile manufacture
categories: research notes
Tuesday 03.31.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

On interviews: producing the cultural experience

Rapley, Tim. “Interviews.” In Qualitative Research Practice, by Clive Seale, Giampietro Gobo, Jaber Gubrium, and David Silverman. SAGE Publications Ltd, 2004. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781848608191.d5.

Source: Andrew Lozovyi. Cropped image of handsome businessman giving interview to journalist with voice recorder and looking at camera in office. Deposit photos

Source: Andrew Lozovyi. Cropped image of handsome businessman giving interview to journalist with voice recorder and looking at camera in office. Deposit photos

Summary

Claim: Firstly, the interview (in its many forms) pervades and produces our contemporary cultural experiences and knowledges of authentic personal, private selves (3). Secondly, interviewing is currently the central resource through which contemporary social science engages with issues that concern it (4).

Keywords: qualitative interview, qualitative, research, practice

Supports/opposes who: Grounds in Atkinson and Silverman, 1997. Seale (1998) for the dual notion of data-as-resource (only belongs ot interviewee) vs data-as-topic (jointly produced between interviewee and interviewer) (5).

Method: A step-by-step instruction of how to do an interview. Firstly discusses epistemology, how the knowledges are produced in interviews. Secondly, goes through the stages such as recruiting, compiling list of questions, beginning the interview, interactions with interviewees, avoiding bias. Second part consists of tips on how to interact during the interview, how to analyse them and to think with interview data.

Among the limitations of the method it is pointed out that no interview can stand for observational data (Strong (1980), 35).

In conducting interviews, ‘engaged, active or collaborative’ interviewing approach is advocated (introducing a topic, listening and asking follow-up questions, interjecting to share personal experience or opinion), against a "everything goes" policy (28). The idea is to be there as a figure of focus for the interviewer, and a mediator of the interview process (calling for breaks if need be, taking hand written notes) (9). Important introductory moves are "taking out the tape-recorder, re-asking their permission to record and re-explaining issues of confidentiality and anonymity" (10). Rapport, that is establishing relaxed and encouraging relationship, as well as neutrality are seen as the two important attitudes throughout the interview process (12). In the latter, while avoiding bias is essential, not being neutral is beneficial when it means seeing other as "a human being" (13), going as far as mutual self-disclosure (26). Some ideas are given about the interview as "rules":

• you should ask some questions;
• selectively follow up on specific themes or topics;
• allow interviewees the space to talk at length (18)

In analysing interviews, a 'broadly discursive approach' is discussed (29), mentioning such methods as conversation analysis, critical discourse analysis, discourse analysis, membership catergorization
analysis and narrative analysis (39). The aim of this approach is not to establish the truth, but rather find out how specific truths are established (29). Constant comparison method (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) as the technique where codes are continuously refined. In terms of broader framework, a more "layered" approach is offered. This consists of, independently of interview, exploring the context, finding sources, and through that locating key analytic themes, which are then discussed with the interviewees. During the recruiting phase the interviewer decides which voices should be heard with regards to the research topic (30).

Why important

To academics: as a learning resource, to recognize the value of an interview broadly as per the two claims above, and to be able to analyse the interview process, analyse what actually happened (5).

To general public: we all, as parts of "interview society" "just know ‘at a glance’ what it takes to be an interviewer or an interviewee" (4) - however it's not as clear cut as it seems.

Relevance to my research:

- - - -

Notes:

It is important to see the interviewee in the broader context and link to that context in the process of interview itself, as well as when analysing it (36).

tags: qualitative interview, qualitative, research, practice
categories: research notes
Wednesday 03.18.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

Stories we tell to ourselves, our life-histories

Byrne, Bridget. “Reciting the Self: Narrative Representations of the Self in Qualitative Interviews.” Feminist Theory 4, no. 1 (April 1, 2003): 29–49. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464700103004001002.

Source: Sebastian Herrmann. Two men facing each other while shake hands and smiling. Unsplash

Source: Sebastian Herrmann. Two men facing each other while shake hands and smiling. Unsplash

Summary

Claim: a person's view of self is dependent on categories of race, class and gender.

Keywords: life-history, narrative, qualitative interviewing, subjectivity, whiteness

Questions: What is involved in asking people to produce stories of their lives in interviews? How might this enable some, but also silence other accounts that are not so readily produced with this genre? (47)

Supports/opposes who: Foucault's idea that narratives help to point to "techniques" or "practices" of the self, but also argues some of his notions, such as failure to problematize "the mastery of the self" (35). Gestalt principle (32). Feminist research. Carolyn Steedman on historical accounts of self and the writing/telling techniques. Martin McQuillan on 'narrative' vs 'story'. Donald E. Polkinghorne on 'self-narrative'. Byrne on raced, classed and gendered narratives. bell hooks on racial difference (38). Marie-François Chanfrault-Duchet (40)

Method: observes how people see themselves through three interviews, which are reported on in a narrative way. Adopts Foucauldian method where the subject is understood as "outcome of processes of production and self-production through the interplay of discourse and practice" (31). Comparing the differences between the interviewees via their narratives.

Why important

To feminist researchers: as a way to explore women's experiences as "hidden from history", and a way to access female voices (33). Raises questions "not only about processes of subjection, but about the use of storied narratives as a means of accessing them" (47).

To general public: idea that we are essentially stories we tell to ourselves throughout our lives - but these stories are not independent, but instructed by our context.

Relevance to my research: demonstrates how interviews can be included in the text as an illustration and vehicle for theory

- - - -

Notes:

One thing that interview shows is that women, contrary to men, do not insist on their life being as a series of self-conscious choices they made, eg living their life as their own, their narratives include narratives of other people (35) - which is seen as an opposition to Foucauldian notion of "Self-mastery' of the self. In other words, it puts much more stress on intersubjectivity (36).

tags: life-history, narrative, qualitative interviewing, subjectivity, whiteness
categories: research notes
Tuesday 03.03.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

Alienation as a link between politics and economy

Harvey, David, Anti-Capitalist Chronicles: Alienation, Democracy at Work

Source: Spencer Davis, Man working on tools. Unsplash

Source: Spencer Davis, Man working on tools. Unsplash

Anti-Capitalist Chronicles: Alienation

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=01A0prJud-A

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jKAeER1WOuE

Democracy At Work

Claim: The failure of satisfaction from capitalism results in discontented populations, which raises questions whether the capitalist model is the best way to go. We need to create a new political economy.

Why relevant: Anger produced by alienation makes politics instable and is captured by politician to redirect to issues other than capitalism (immigration, white suprematism, drug addiction etc.). Ultimately, capitalism is the reason why we feel abandoned, neglected and also the reason for decline in life expectancy.

Notes: Alineation helps to uncover the links between politics and economy.

In the Marxian time alientation was different - capital obscures humans as species-beings from what they are capable of. Thus, it was grounded in the humanist ideal, however problematic for Marx too. He later reworked this concept in the more scientific, capitalism-grounded form.

In Grundrisse, alienation means that we are alienated from something that have no control of. Eg in the act of exchange, a rather technical meaning. The workers have no right of the value of the commodities they produce.

Alienation happens in the free market situation, where "coercive laws of competition" - eg capitalist is constrained by what the market demands, or abstractions (this is common with Adam Smith). Alienation is thus embedded in the capitalist system, with both workers and capital are unfree. Legislation here is designed to mitigate the capitalist tendencies such as making the working longer. Alienation also exists between capital and nature, where the latter seen as whereupon the extraction happens.

Due to alienation it is not usual for worker not to like or care about their work. However, it is possible for workers to be satisfied by their labour processes, - the laternative is presented with the case where the work process is organised by workers. I cannot agree to the claim that, in connection to the aboe, introducing machinery and other technical improvements into the workflow increases alienation because workers' role is reduce to a less exciting role of machine operator. In software engineering - and in all kinds of contemporary occupations beyond it - humans are operating one technical tool or the other, some of which are indeed exciting, particularly in software.

Andre Gorz, in response to uprisings of 1968 attempts to rethink the labour process that would be less alienating. A compensatory consumerism idea came as the way to mitigate the miserable work conditions. In result many consumer niches and identity politics of lifestyles (including sexuallity) emerged in 1970s and 80s. While wages remained stagnant, the prices of consumer goods weer steadily declining and the "affluent worker" figure emerged. Why doesn't consumer capitalism doesn't work? Planned obsolensence leads to frustration. Role of new technologies is, to Marx, to increase the level of exploitation.

Changing form of consumtion: making spectacle: non-exlusionary goods, which are consumed instantaneously (meaning that if one person consumes doesn't stop others from consuming), such as TV series.

Discontent with capitalism gives renewed interest of population with religion (evangelical, certain brands of islam, etc.) and raises environmental concerns. In other words, such alienated populations accumulate anger, which leads to mobilisation and political instability. At the same time, capitalism is the last to be blame

tags: democracy, alienation, marx, harvey
categories: research notes
Tuesday 02.18.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

On Marx' theory of value

Harvey, David. Marx’s Refusal of the Labour Theory of Value, March 1, 2018

Circulation_of_Capital-Color.png

Claim: "Marx’s value form is not a still and stable fulcrum in capital’s churning world but a constantly changing and unstable metric", influenced by markets, changes in technology, social reproduction and other factors.

Marx never aligned with labour theory of value and instead proposed his own "value theory".

Who deals with: Ricardo, labour theory of value.
Method: Picks up the main points of labour theory of value that add little to Ricardo's theory, but then claims that few Marxists notice that Marx went further, and shows where.
Notes:
Marx's theory of value is, in contrast to Ricardo's, who is looking only at production and circulation, argues that value is rather an outcome of negotiaton between competitive market processes, surplus value production and social reproduction. The latter is something that Marx devises after his comparative studies of living conditions and rationing among workers and prisoners.
tags: marxism, harvey, value, capitalism
categories: research notes
Monday 02.03.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

On dinosaurs, continued

Brooks, Frederick P. The Mythical Man-Month: Essays on Software Engineering. Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1975.

Fan Yang. Dinosaurs skeleton inside museum. Source: Unsplash

Fan Yang. Dinosaurs skeleton inside museum. Source: Unsplash

Summary of essays 1-3

1. The Tar Pit

Opposes: general public's belief that enthusiasts building software in a garage can surpass the efforts of large teams.

Claim: The difficulty of managing software production is...

Method: Narrative. Looks at key definitions: program, programming product, programming system, programming systems product. Compares joys (making useful things, learning) of programming to its woes (maldesign, poor implementation, incomplete delivery, bugs, product rapid obsolescence).

Notes:

“the program construct .. is real in the sense that it moves and works, producing visible outputs separate from the construct itself. It prints results, draws pictures, produces sounds, moves arms” (7)

2. The Mythical Man-Month

Opposes: Optimism about tractability of software production process.

Claim: Lack of calendar time for delivery of software projects can be tackled via improvement of managerial techniques (estimation)

Method: A matrix of five reasons of delivery failures, then explanation for each in more detail.

Notes:

Reasons for late deliveries in softEn:

  • Techniques of estimating are based on the assumption that everything will go well.
  • They confuse effort with progress (man-month as a dangerous myth, because only works for perfectly partitionable tasks, such as cotton-picking or reaping wheat (16))
  • Software managers are uncertain of those estimates.
  • Schedule progress is poorly monitored.
  • Adding manpower does not help to solve late deliveries - but effective management would (Brook's Law: "Adding manpower to a late software project makes it later" (25))

3. The Surgical Team

Opposes: A view that small sharp team is more effective than a large team of medium-skilled engineers. Also opposes the "conventional team"

Supports: Harlan Mills and centralized workflow organisation.

Claim: the problem with the small team concept is that it's too slow for really big systems (31).

Method: Comparative analysis of the two models, the "conventional one", where several features of the product are developed simultaneousy and the centralized one supported by Brooks, where "one does the cutting and the others give him every support that will enhance his effectiveness and productivity". While acknowledging that the latter approach supported by Brooks was a step ahead of the other model, both of them lacked the flexibility required for building a more effective workflow.

Notes:

It is easy to notice that the model described here has an abundance of roles that have nothing to do with neither production nor decisions, which could be explained by the absence of powerful enough documentation, issue tracking or project management tools. For example, the "program clerk" is now replaced by Jira and Confluence, the "toolsmith" is outsourced to IT department, and the "language lawyer" is now embedded into back-end developer role. The lack of computational resources also means that front-end development is completely absent, since the visual side of software and other functionality it covers today was not there yet.

Setting aside the tendency of using "he" when detailing the roles in the model, it presents interest as a showcase of which methodological approaches to software engineering existed prior to agile. I would argue that scrum is improving this model at least in one major way - the whole of decision making is not any longer concentrated in one role. In Brook's model, "the surgeon", has the final say on all things software product. This role is quite mixed and complex and includes responsibilities for not only for designing the product, but also for coding, testing and documentation. The "copilot" is a product owner limited to only making suggestions and in any other way being secondary to the "surgeon", with the rest of the team hardly having any weight in decision making at all. Additionaly, the "administrator" role is overloaded with elements of different other roles, handling both communication between the team leader and the team together with office logistics. "The system, - Brooks says - is the product of one mind", in other words, it doesn't account - or accounts only externally - for the client and the user. This is crucial for understanding in which ways the view on software production has changed just a decade later.

Screenshot 2019-09-25 at 19.31.53.png

My problem with this system is twofold. Firstly, the client is not represented in any way at all - perhaps because at the time of writing the concept of external agency was not fully formed so the company's product was fully ingrained into the work that the team does. In other words, everyone on the team was so familiar with the product that the product owner is not required. I would still suggest such close familiarity is not achievable, since it is clear that the product is quite complex. Secondly, as mentioned previously, the team is not involved in decision making on the practical level. This impedes the team's performance because it's harder for them to feed back on solutions which are seen as something external - and also leaves those people who are carrying out the tasks out of having their say in them, even though they are more qualified to make decisions.

This model leads Brooks to make a further claim, an importance of the divide between architecture and implementation, which to him means making decisions and creating the product. Would that suggest creation of a new working class though? The following essays promise to give further insights.

tags: workflow, software, engineering
categories: research notes
Wednesday 01.22.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

On dinosaurs

Brooks, Frederick P. The Mythical Man-Month: Essays on Software Engineering. Addison-Wesley Publishing Company, 1975.

Overall book summary

Black and white engraving from a 1898-1904 French Encyclopedia. Source: pinterest

Black and white engraving from a 1898-1904 French Encyclopedia. Source: pinterest

Claim: Preservation of the conceptual integrity of the product is critical. Large programming projects suffer management problems different in kind from small ones, due to division of labor (viii). The book works towards the way how conceptual unity can be achieved.

Supports/opposes who: the author is in conversation with a variety of his contemporaries, software engineering managers (IBM, MIT, Bell Labs, Computational Laboratory of Siberian Division, USSR).

Method: To answer Tom Watson's question why programming is hard to manage, compares the different management experiences in hardware and software development.

Why important: To managers, programmers and managers of programmers, helps them achieve higher productivity when producing software.

To general public: [tbc]

Relevance to my research: explores the methodological difficulties in software engineering.

Paradoxically, the book presents a negation to applying methods of industrial production management to software practice, but does not offer the new solution (which would be scrum, that one emerged a decade later). In other words, the critique of industrial methods is developed, while still viewing the software as a branch of this sphere, which has its own specificity, but the requirement for agile or other way of incremental delivery had still not been recognized. As it says in Wikipedia: "During the 1990s, a number of lightweight software development methods evolved in reaction to the prevailing heavyweight methods that critics described as overly regulated, planned, and micro-managed. These included: rapid application development (RAD), from 1991;[14][15] the unified process (UP) and dynamic systems development method (DSDM), both from 1994; Scrum, from 1995; Crystal Clear and extreme programming (XP), both from 1996; and feature-driven development, from 1997. Although these all originated before the publication of the Agile Manifesto, they are now collectively referred to as agile software development methods"

tags: workflow, software, engineering, IBM
categories: research notes
Tuesday 01.07.20
Posted by Zhenia
 

Happy people sell

Woodcock, Jamie. 2015. A Worker’s Inquiry in a UK Call Centre : the Labour Process, Management, and Resistance. Doctoral thesis, Goldsmiths, University of London [Thesis]

The Call Centre, s01 e01 still. Source : youtube

The Call Centre, s01 e01 still. Source : youtube

Summary

Claim: Worker and manager are opposed. Workers' are seen as ability to resist is confronted by the idea of "the victory of management" (4). A key theme developed in the thesis: refusal of work (4).

Aim: to uncover the extent and form of resistance by call centre workers (8).

Supports/opposes who: Marx, Johnston-Forest Tendency, Socialisme ou Barbarie (Catroiadis, Lefort) and International Socialists in Britain. Operaismo. Burawoy's (1979) sociological extended case method. Taylor and Bain's (1999:109) research on call centre work. Mulholland (2004).

Questions (17):

  • How is the labour process organised in a call centre?
  • What are the emotional and affective components of the labour process?
  • What is the class composition of workers in call centres?
  • What techniques of supervision and control do management use?
  • What is the role of technology in the call centre?
    Is there resistance in the workplace?
  • What are the possibilities for organisation?

Method: Theory: analysis of the development and organisation of call centres. Empirical: a detailed ethnographic account. Case study: Trade Union Cover, a private company that sells insurance to trade union members. Sociological methods of discussions, working in a call centre (following the example of Burawoy), and collectively writing up the experience over a period of three years. 10 call centres were involved.

Why important: contributes to an understanding of the labour process, management techniques, and the possibilities for resistance in a call centre.

Chapter breakdown:

1. Introduction
2. Literature review
3. Methodology
4. Ethnographic: call centre workplace
5. Ethnographic: management
6. Worker resistance
7. Challenges for organising: contemporary trade unionism in the UK

Relevance to my research: deals with concepts I use in my analysis.

- - - -

Why call centers? These are selected because they lay on the intersection of two areas of project's interests: on the one hand, they are non-unionised, on the other, they present an example of a post-industrial service economy.

Naysayer from my side: However, what I find find lacks here is the evidence that this example can stand to represent all of contemporary work landscape. To me, the problem with post-industrial model is precisely being heterogenous - a variety of different occupations do not use the same traits. A call center in this context can be argued an example of how in some cases industrial, eg factory ways of labour still exist after the information society paradigm shift. This is why the traditional worker's inquiry methods work when applied to this model. In other types of work, such as software engineering, high levels of competence of workers is combined with distributed character of workforce and blurred distinction between the worker and the manager. Here, it would be problematic to talk about worker/manager opposition and worker organisation based on location.

Studies focused on the workplace: Huw Beynon's (1973)
Working for Ford, Anna Pollert's (1981) Girls, Wives, and Factory Lives, Ruth Cavendish's (1982) Women on the Line, and a number of studies by Michael Burawoy (1979) starting with Manufacturing Consent. Woodcock notes that a new research is needed, since there were number of important changes since these studies were undertaken (9). More recent studies, specifically on the call centres include Houlihan (2002), Taylor and Bain (2003), and Kolinko (2002).

Further notes on methodology:

Analysis of how historically, workers’ inquiry was broken from in search of new organisational forms. Three examples: US, France, and Italy (Operaismo). Applying Burawoy's framework to come up with propositions for such organisational forms in the contemporary context. Woodcock mentions (and adapts) the method described in Marx Capital's chapter 10 for ethnographic research (Harvey, 2010:141).

He notes one-sidedness of Capital in that "the subject of Capital, as the name perhaps implies, is capital – rather than workers' (49), which makes it problematic to take Capital as inspiration for workers' inquiry.

Operaismo is described as a doctrine that, contrary to Capital, places the worker in the centre of attention. Its method was rooted in empirical "investigation into the subjectivity of the workers at the [Olivetti and FIAT] factories" (60). Relationship between sociology and Marxism seen as fragile, due to Marx's suspicion of certain forms of sociology, and sociology's suspicion of politics, such as political conception of the working class.

Directions for future research. The failure to negotiate unionisation in the empirical study contributes to the debate on new trade union models. The method could be used in other studies that engage with workplaces involing precarious contracts with low pay and poor conditions.

Bibliography:

Harvey, D., A Companion to Marx’s Capital. London: Verso, 2010.

Marx, K., 1880. “A Workers’ Inquiry.” New International, 1938, 4 (12): 379–81.

tags: exploitation, call centre, workers' inquiry, workplace, uk
categories: research notes
Thursday 12.26.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Human motor in Marx

Rabinbach, Anson. The Eclipse of the Utopias of Labor. First edition. Forms of Living. New York: Fordham University Press, 2018.

Etienne-Jules Marey chronophotograph. Source: graphicine.com

Etienne-Jules Marey chronophotograph. Source: graphicine.com

Overview

Claim: there is an eclipse of hopes that a more efficient workplace could provide the basis of a new, more socially satisfactory society.

Who deals with: European science of work, bridges intellectual history, labor history, and the history of the body. Marx’s productivism, Taylorism, Communism, the Nazi Beauty of Labor program, and the discourses of the digital workplace in the later 20thC.

Method: Analysis of labour. Establishes the idea of human motor as a figure of 19thC transcendental materialism. Then uses this definition in the context of dualism of human and machine to cut across history, identify the notion's decline in 20thC and analyse why it happened (the answer is it because of digital technology). Rabinbach's historical analysis is based on division of history into three parts (mimetic, transcendental, and digital). Chapters are mapped to this three stages.

Why important: for historians. General public, because more efficient workplace could provide the basis of a new, more socially satisfactory society.

Relevance to my research: important because also analyses differences between industrial and digital labour.

- - - -

Notes:

Explains categorisation into three historical stages:

1. Mimetic (18thC) - aims at imitating the nature.

2. Transcendental (19-20thC) the body as productive in the sense that it is capable of converting energy into work. Energy is a transcendental principle, that is, equally omnipresent in nature and society.

3. Digital (from 20thC onwards). Driven by the ideas that (1) the primacy of bodily functions was now replaced by the manipulation of signs (Walter Benjamin) and (2) that any mathematical operation can be reproduced mechnanically (Alan Turing) (ix).

Étienne- Jules Marey. Cat drop. Source: ucla.edu

Étienne- Jules Marey. Cat drop. Source: ucla.edu

Human motor in Marx

Claim: Marx saw labour as a '“metabolic exchange” between history and nature" (7)

Who deals with: discoveries of William Thomson and Helmholtz around steam engines (7). Thermodynamics theory of William Robert Grove (8). Clausius’s second law of thermodynamics (10). Ukrainian physician and socialist Sergei Podolinsky (11). The “Pope” of German socialism, Karl Kautsky (12).

Method: Looks at Marxism from the standpoint of physics, particlarly first and seconds laws of thermodynamics.

Why important: one reason why socialism is a utopia is because it ignores the 2nd law of thermodynamics, thus denying the environmental impact (“heat death of the universe” hypothesis)(10).

Relevance to my research: to compare application of Marxian analysis in Rabinbach with other digital labour theorists. He also points out the shift in Marx's thinking from more anthropological to economic analysis.

- - - -

Notes:

Marx considered his discovery of labour-power as one of his most important achievements (7). In his productvist shift, as observed by Rabinbach, Marx redefines the concrete and abstract labour as conversion of labour versus its generation (Moishe Postone) (8, 177). Once discovered, labour-power became quantifiable, which foregrounded emancipation from productive labour for the sake of even greater productivity over Marx's earlier claim of emancipation through labour (8). In Capital, Marx stresses the substance of exchange is nothing more but labour power, now understood as a commodity (Marx, Capital, 1:179).

In its most general sense, productivism is a belief that all growth is good (opposed by the belief of the finite planet and those who argue that it's up to the worker to put values on their free time). Rabinbach defines it as "primacy and ultimate interchangeability of productive activity of the body, technology, or nature" (vii). Getting back to Marx, he observes in this context that Marxian analysis is built on seeing labour as expenditure of human labour power (8).

Rabinbach argues that Marx and Engels failed to fully adopt the theory of "heat death" in their labour theory of value, and thus delineated their thinking from productivism (11).

tags: socialism, thermodynamics, Marx, marxism, taylorism, communism, human motor, labour-power, value
categories: research notes
Tuesday 12.17.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Digital labour and the theory of value

Fuchs, Christian. Digital Labour and Karl Marx. New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

Austin Distel, Unsplash

Austin Distel, Unsplash

PART I Theoretical Foundations of Studying Digital Labour

Claim: An understanding of key concepts of Marx' theory of value is essential for analysis of digital labour.

Who deals with: Karl Marx

Method: narrative. Breaks down Marx’s labour theory of value into key points: (2.2) labour and work; (2.3) use-value, value,exchange-value, money, price, value and price of labour-power, surplus value.

Why important: to Marxists researchers, as a background for his theory, which is the most thorough analysis that is available (25)

Relevance to my research: lays ground to understanding Fuch's theory of digital labour

Notes:

Introduction. Starts with Aristotle's definitions of poíesis (the creation of works from nature) and praxis (self-determined action) (24). This is seen as key to Marxia definitions. Looks at how later thinkers responded to this duality in definitions: Paulus, Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, John Locke, Adam Smith, Hegel.

Marx breaks down economy into production, distribution and consumption. Humans are seen as having doing work, which is a conscious productive activity, aimed at producing means of subsistence. Their need is described as "production of material life itself" (Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. 1845/1846. The German ideology. Amherst, NY: Prometheus Books.) Subjectivity in Marx is the world of work that surrounds the commodity, which is seen as objective. Labour creates use-value.

Marx sees labour as natural condition of human existence. There is an implied "interchange between man and nature", which I would question i two ways: (1) man and nature dualism needs to be further nivetigated; (2) argue the evidence for the interchange - capitalism uses extractive logic, which does not presuppose to give anythinig to nature in return of resources.

Fuchs uses the following distinction between work and labour drawn by Marx in Capital: "Labour which creates use-values and is qualitatively determined is called ‘work’ as opposed to ‘labour’; labour which creates value and is only measured quantitatively is called ‘labour’, as opposed to ‘work" (27 quoting Marx, 1867c: 138). In other words, in labour humans do not own means and results of production, and it is necessary alienated. Work is a process where humans make use of technology to transform nature and society and satisfy human needs. Freedom begins where labour ends.

Labour creates "objective form", the product from the material by the activity that uses the instruments (technology). Labour is seen bby Marx as something that consumes materials and instruments, and thus is also a process of consumption.

Hegelian dialectical concept of subject-object relation prescribes the subject as a "posited unseparatedness of moments in their distinction" and objects are external undetermined totality, and the idea is a subject-object relation, or a process. (28). Marx supports these views and extends them into the realm of economy.

Use-value in Marx is a piece of natural material adapted to human needs through changing its form. Labour is objectified (congealed) in product - and this is true also in the phenomena of internet as the sum of efforts of many people. Latter can also be defined as objectification, - and even the deliverables in agile terminology are called artifacts. In other words, software development is usually seen as material production, despite the fact that it doesn't result in physical objects.

What I find inconsistent with application of Marxian logic to digital labour is that the product is theorised by Marx as something that "was intended from the outset" (29). According to my argument, in software development the product is not, and cannot be, something that is intended from the outset. Is it true that we need to have a vision in order to start working on software product, but the work on software does not have an end, meaning, by extension, that no result could be imagined from the outset.

The "productive forces" is a system consisting of humans and their tools.

Screenshot 2019-09-15 at 19.33.23.png

To Marx, capital and labour stand in opposition: "real not-capital is labour” (Marx, Karl. 857/1858b. Grundrisse. London: Penguin: 274). He introduces the idea that in capitalism the worker works one part of the day for her subsistence, and the other part of the day for the capitalist - effectively meaning that outside of capitalism workers would only perform the labour necessary for their subsistence, and wouldn't have to work in the other part of day.

Alienation to Marx comes in four aspects: (1) alienation from the product; (2) alienation from the labour process in the form of forced labour (ibid.,
74), (3) alienation from himself/herself and (4) from other humans and society (Marx, 1844: 74). This earlier categorisation of alienations focuses more on humans than later one theorised in Grundrisse. Out of the manifold alienations, exploitation of labour emerges, in the moment when the worker labours for free (surplus value) and capitalist turns the free results of labour to monetary profit (33). Exploitation occurs in the context of class relations. The latter are seen as something that evolves from relation to production, and is the source of "antagonism between the productive forces and the relations of production" (35). Dead labour is the labour objectified into capital (as Marx sees it, labour as space) and it dominates living labour (labour as time) (Marx, 1861–1863)

Fuchs notes that there are two layers in Capital due to the fact that Marx wrote critique of capitalism and economic theory in the same book. Marx thus has two sets of categories both constituents of capitalism. There are essential and historic categories (36):

Screenshot 2019-09-15 at 19.33.29.png

What it means that one set are milestones for developing his critique, and the other are economic categories.

Abstract labour here is human power in abstract, the one that can be use in economic analysis. Speaking of abstractions, Marx identifies four kinds: (1) from physical properties; (2) from single products (in favor of quantities); (3) from simple labour activites to more complex tasks; (4) from labour conditions

Marx theorises three types of labour in relation to production: productive (for capital), unproductive(for the worker) and reproductive (to regenerate from work experience). Wage labour is productive, the one that creates surplus value. For Marx, wage labour is the area of interest - in the moment of exchange of use value to money this labour confronts capital. Negri goes as far as to claim that for Marx there is no other labour, but wage labour, but extends this by rejecting the difference between labour and work, seeing both as necessarily alienated. Work is something to be abolished. Fuchs, however, argues that non-wage work is also accounted for, in the notion of collective worker, the sum of labour efforts that labour power spends not only to produce, but to reproduce (37, quoting Marx, Capital Vol.1, 1867: 274).

Communism for Marx is "a society without labour because alienation ceases to exist" (38). He predicts further focus in society on science and knowledge work that would reduce the necessary labour time and free uptime for personal development. The classes would then cease to exist, because labour relations are not going to be based on onwership of means of production, but on disposable time - in this context, the idea of general labour emerges.


Marx’s Labour Theory of Value

Fuchs' discusses Marx' theory of value in conversation with today's German debate around it, in which value is seen as the notion that appears only in relation with money, in the moment of exchange.
In his value form analysis, Marx comes from Hegelian notion of attraction and repulsion. To Hegel, Ones confront one another, but are still exists in the certain relationship which he argues could be the relation of attraction as well as repulsion.(43) similarly, Marx claims that commodities repulse each other individually, but are generalized in production as abstract labour and in exchange by money. Here I must add from my side, expanding Hegelian principle to subjects of labour, which are mutually attracted via abstraction of their labour despite their repulsion - for example, in entrepreneur mindset.
Capital's volume 1 chapter 1 uses the dialectical method of argumentation of theory of value: first it talks about the commodity (objective view) then the labour (subjective view), and then the exchange, where subjects exchange the labour objectified in commodities. Abstract human labour is here summed up by Fuchs as the substance of value. While use-value is shaped by the time required to produce a commodity, its value (a second type of value in Marx) is determined socially - via the amount of social labour that goes into it. Marx theorises socially necessary labour as the amount of labour required to produce a commodity generalized over the entire economy. Magnitude of value is the amount of socially necessary labour that goes into commodity. Marxian law of value is connected to productivity: the higher the productivity, the less time is needed to produce an item, the lower its value.
Looking at value from the perspective of class, Marx observes that proletariat sees the use-value of the commodities, to consume them. Capitalists see the exchange-value, e.g. apprehend value quantitatively. However, while being "absolutely poor", labourer also uses quantitative nature of commodities when she sells her time in exchange for renumeration. Capitalist, at the same time, needs use-value (of labour as commodity) in order to produce (Cleaver, 2000: 99 and Marx, 1857/1858b: 295).

A part of the horse market in Lorenzkirch, Zeithain, Saxony, Germany. View from the church steeple in Lorenzkirch to the horse market, to the river Elbe and to the town Strehla. Source: Wikimedia Commons

A part of the horse market in Lorenzkirch, Zeithain, Saxony, Germany. View from the church steeple in Lorenzkirch to the horse market, to the river Elbe and to the town Strehla. Source: Wikimedia Commons

Exchange-value

This is defined by Marx as “the necessary mode of expression, or form of appearance, of value” (Marx, 1867c: 128). Fuchs supports Marx's idea that objectivity of abstract human labour in commodity is a social (and societal) matter. This is because commodities produced in a society and production process is a social process. Due to the exchange, and the two sides of Marxian theorisation (essential and economic), commodities have concrete and abstract sides, use-values and exchange-values, and value has objective and social form. This dialectical unity of commodities is called the measure (50). In other words, Marxian theory (which it extends from Hegel's quality>quantity>qualitative quantity) accounts for three kinds of value: use-value>value>exchange value.

Price

To Marx, “price is the money-name of the labour objectifi ed in a commodity” (Marx 1867c:195–196). Money is the medium of circulation, but also the mediator of class relation. The latter is evident, for example, in the way that capitalist aims to lower the wages and increase the retail price, while the worker struggles or higher wages and can go on strike. Value and price do not necessarily coincide. Price can be driven down by such factors, as for example, market competition, however Fuchs aligns with the idea that generally price and value and not entirely independent and are in any case linked to amounts of social labour that goes into them.
In his two examples, Fuchs shows how prices depend on politics of class struggle. In the first example, fascist enslavement of workers, computers are produced for 100 and sold for 400 eur, through the low wages paid to the workers. The second example shows that when the legislation is changed to pay a minimum wage of 200 eur, the capitalist increases the price of computers to 700 eur, thus achieving the same profit.
Bidet (2007) points out two mediations, market and organisation, as the two key forces that coordinate capitalism on the social scale. Exchange-value is different for the worker and for the capitalist. For the worker, the money is both the income and the instrument of resistance to capital. For the capitalist, on the other hand, it is a cost which threatens surplus value (55). In his example of trade unions, Fuchs show that trade unions's efforts are directed at not letting the price of labour fall below its value (56).
Value of labour-power is here determined by the labour-time necessary to produce the commodity. Services such as schoolwork and housework, as the unpaid labour, contribute to the increase of surplus value (55). In this context, Mario Tronti introduces the term "social factory" (1962). This addresses the social nature of labour, and defines the new way of labour becoming implicated in society through the development of technical means, in the way that the whole society becomes a collective production, in other words, a factory.

Surplus value

To Marx, this kind of value equals surplus labour, the "increment or excess over the original value" (Marx 1867c: 293, 251). "The theory of surplus value is in consequence immediately the theory of exploitation” (Negri 1991, 74) and, one can add, the theory of class and as a consequence the political demand for a classless society". (55) This phenomena of capital being able to acquire unpaid surplus labour (to Marx, a permanent theft) is why the capital is able to self-valorise.

Conclusion.

Chapter 1 of Fuchs' Digital Labour and Karl Marx gives an overview of Marx's labour theory of value. It starts from establishing the differences in Marx's theorisation of work vs labour by pointing out their subjective and objective qualities and the use-value that is produced in labour. It then proceeds to explain alienation leading to exploitation as the key to self-valorisation of capital. Labour appropriated by capital becomes dead labour, and capital is presented as a vampire that requires constant inflow for living labour. Then the two-sided character of Marxian terminology is descried, which on one side operates in "essential categories", eg work, use-value and concrete labour, and historic (economic) categories, such as labour, exchange-value and abstract labour. The moment of exchange is theorised as the point at which the categories swtch from essential to economic. The antagonism between labour and capital is grounded in wages and the surplus value created by unpaid surplus labour, and is thus a class relation. Use and exchange values of commodities are mediated through money and price, which reveals their dialectical unity. The nature of labour, meaning, concerete labour, is social. Through the improvement of technology the relations of production become closely interlinked with other societal relation thus converting a society into a project - a social factory. In the next chapter Fuchs look at the application of theory of value in the context of digital labour from the perspective of media and communication studies.

- - - - -

Bibliography

Bidet, Jacques. 2007. A reconstruction project of the Marxian theory: From Exploring Marx’s Capital
(1985) to Altermarxisme (2007), via Théorie Générale (1999) and Explication et reconstruction
du Capital (2004). http://jacques.bidet.pagesperso-orange.fr/londongla.htm.

Cleaver, Harry. 2000. Reading Capital politically. Leeds: Anti/Theses

Marx, Karl. Economic and philosophic manuscripts of 1844 and the Communist Manifesto, 13–168. Amherst, NY: Prometheus.

Marx, Karl. 1857/1858b. Grundrisse. London: Penguin

Marx, Karl. 1861–1863. Economic manuscripts of 1861–1863. http://www.marxists.org/archive/
marx/works/1861/economic/index.htm.)

Marx, Karl. 1867c. Capital, Volume 1. London: Penguin

Negri, Antonio. 1991. Marx beyond Marx. London: Pluto.

Tronti, Mario. 1962. Arbeiter und Kapital, Frankfurt: Verlag Neue Kritik.

tags: MARX, method, value, fuchs, work, labour, surplus value, abstract labour, subject, object, grundrisse, negri
categories: research notes
Tuesday 12.03.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Software vs human work rituals

Kenneth S. Rubin - Essential Scrum. A Practical Guide to the Most Popular Agile Process (2012, Addison-Wesley Professional)..

Image: sagarsoft.com

Image: sagarsoft.com

0. Introduction

Claim: Scrum can be a way of making software engineering work more proficient.

Who deals with: rejects traditional, plan-driven, predictive development (waterfall style) approaches and Gannt charts, acknowledges that kanban framework is useful in contexts where scrum is not applicable.

Method: Narrative. Breaks Scrum framework into constituent parts: concepts (sprints, requirements and user stories, backlog, estimation and velocity, tehnical debt) and roles (product owner, scrum master, dev team, managers). Then gives introduction to agile principles and zooms in to planning and sprinting to discuss in more detail.

Why important: Rubin defines three key reasons: (1) deals well with situations where there's more unknown than known; (2) avoids big up-front architecture design; (3) teams are cross-functional.

Relevance to my research: describes the software engineering approach to work, which my research also deals with; explains how software rituals are applied in human behaviour.

Naysayer: scrum is not ideal for all situations; it's not good for chaotic contexts and in interrupt-driven workflow (eg, support tickets).

Image: Rubin, 2012: 7

Image: Rubin, 2012: 7

Technical debt
Technical debt

Avoiding long-term, low-certainty guessing

Example technical debt economic analysis
Example technical debt economic analysis

•Each month of development costs $100K.

•We cannot reasonably meet the target delivery date (at ten months) with all of the requested, must-have features.

•Dropping features is just not an option.

Post-launch development process: Scenario 1
Post-launch development process: Scenario 1

•Team finishes up all the lag in the reasonable amount of time (before next update/release due)

•At point B, the total amount of work gets back to being equal to ongoing work

Post-launch development process: Scenario 2
Post-launch development process: Scenario 2

Team makes sure the debt is not growing and covers the most critical issues, sealing the debt that cannot be addressed

At point B, the total amount of work equals ongoing work plus any servicing of debt that was left behind unaddressed

Post-launch development process: Scenario 3
Post-launch development process: Scenario 3

Team discovers that technical debt is in fact growing quicker than can be addressed without further budgeting considerations

The total amount of work grows, adding up the ongoing work, servicing of debt and addressing the debt.

At point B maintenance costs exceed total cost of building entirely new website from scratch, making keeping of the old one questionable

Technical debt Example technical debt economic analysis Post-launch development process: Scenario 1 Post-launch development process: Scenario 2 Post-launch development process: Scenario 3

Notes:

Found chapters on technical debt, sprints and product backlog quite informative. chapter 16 to 18 contain information which mostly reiterates previous claims and adds a bit more in terms of large-scale planning. The section about sprinting contains mainly stuff mentioned before.

Sprinting:

- come to sprint planning with already groomed backlog (336)
- formulate sprint goal
- break backlog items into smaller tasks (344)

Difference between sprint review and retrospective: review is for the work done in the sprint (with stakeholders). Retrospective is to analyse the working methods (for Scrum team).

Retrospective questions (377):

- What worked well this sprint that we want to continue doing?
- What didn’t work well this sprint that we should stop doing?
- What should we start doing or improve?

Tools for retrospective:

- Timeline with emotional seismograph to analyse team feelings about the sprint
- Things to keep doing/things to stop doing/things to try board

tags: scrum, agile, workflow, labour, software, engineering
categories: research notes
Monday 11.18.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Marxist analysis today

Fuchs, Christian. Digital Labour and Karl Marx. New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2014.

0. Introduction

Claim: The task of this book is to better understand labour and value generation in the context of digital media.

Who deals with: Karx Marx, Dallas Smythe. Supports Dyer-Witheford and Trevor Scholtz.

Method: Grounded in the works of Karl Marx. Introduces a matrix of two sets of ideas: (1) Labour-Power and the Objects, Tools and Products of Labour and (2) role in the International Division of Digital Labour. Applies it to case studies (Foxconn, mineral extraction, call centres, labour on social media, indian software industry). The aim is to create a set of categories, or more a lexicon of key ideas (listed below).

Why important: Nine reasons for which Marxist analysis fits the best in today's situation are occupying a whole section in Introduction. The reasons are: economic crisis, neoliberalism and precarisation of work, new social movements, financialisation of economy, global wars, revolutions and rebellions, globalisation, mediatisation, precarious work in academia.

Relevance to my research: In order to introduce the debate on digital labour (a candidate to develop a debate with?). Find out what his ideas are on the differences between industrial and software engineering. And the role of abstraction he sees in software.

index.jpg

Dallas Walker Smythe was a political activist and researcher who contributed to a political economy of communications. He believed that research should be used to develop knowledge that could be applied to policies in support of public interest and the disenfranchised in the face of private capital.Wikipedia

Notes:

The task is rather to introduce a multifaceted conceptual digital labour theory toolbox with following categories: absolute and relative surplus-value production, commodity fetishism, formal and real subsumption, housewifization, labour aristocracy, modes of production, play labour, productive forces, prosumers commodifi cation, slavery, the new imperialism, primitive accumulation, etc. (8)

Prejudices against Marx (Eagleton, Terry. 2011. Why Marx was right. London: Yale University Press.) - addressed directly to Eagleton's text, where the reasons for rejection of those prejudices are described. Fuchs supports Eagleton's claims and adds a few of his own in a media and communiations dimension, which he calls "a Marxist theiry of communication" (16).

tags: digital labour, karl marx, labour, power
categories: research notes
Tuesday 11.05.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Technical vs political

Cowen, Deborah. “The Deadly Life of Logistics,” University of Minnesota Press, 2014

Marcin Jozwiak, Unsplash

Marcin Jozwiak, Unsplash

Claims: Logistics is an industry that is politically charged while presents itself as neutral. It is a valid part of production. It brings new kinds of crises, new paradigms of security, new uses of law, new logics of killing, and a new map of the world.

Who deals with: a view of consumer who does not see any logistics in their day-to-day life; "supply chain security" movement. Philosopher Michel Foucault, anthropologist Mark Duffield, cultural theorist Raymond Williams.

Method: A critique of a view of logistics as political neutral phenomenon, placing geography in the center of analysis. This is done via mixing sociological approach to the entanglement of military and economic force and Foucauldian genealogic approach to the shifting contours of power (Society Must Be Defended).

Why important: contributes to political sociology, anthropology and behavioural science in analysing connections between geography, logistics and forms of knowledge.

Relevance to my research: developing a spatial approach to thinking (online pages as different geographic locations); argument for political life of forms of knowledge that present themselves as purely technical is instrumental to developing my critique of ideology.

Aim: to sketch an emerging network of power and violence, shoing that seemingly banal and technocratic management of the movement of stuff through space has become a driving force of war and trade.

Limitations: geography of the book is limited for the reason that comprehensiveness is not necessary when studying distributed phenomena (17, quoting Kelty, 2008:20).

Chapter breakdown:

  1. History and context (debates in the fields of systems analysis, business, and physical distribution management).
  2. Political ground: supply chain security. Next three chapters break this down further:
  3. Labour: managing the bodies and movements
    of productive labor.
  4. Piracy.
  5. Urban revolution. Emergence of "logistics city”. a mix of miiltayr base and corporate export processing zone.
  6. Conclusion: alternative futures.

- - - -

Notes:

Transportation as an element of production rather than merely a service that follows production (2)

Analysis is performed along the following axes:

  • militarization of the economy and the privatization of warfare;
  • political life of forms of knowledge that present themselves as purely technical;
  • Logistics as contemporary imperialism (8). "Present" as time of "logistics space", where violence is based on legal, conceptual and geographical shifts between the civilian and the military.
  • queer reading of logistics (looking at it from the point of view of other). (5)

Maps: are not territories but nevertheless crucially important in the production of space (Lefebvre 1991, The Production of Space).

tags: logistics, topology, geography, military, civil, war, piracy
categories: research notes
Tuesday 10.29.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Change and continuity in the cultural industries (D. Hesmondhalgh)

Austin Distel, Unsplash

Austin Distel, Unsplash

David Hesmondhalgh, The Cultural  Industries, Introduction, Research Gate, 2012.

Claim: the cultural industries have undergone
remarkable transformation since the early 1980s.

Who deals with: Opposes a view that information technologies have altered the fundamental underlying dynamics of cultural production and consumption.

Method: Uses this opposition to discover "patterns of change and continuity in the cultural industries"(3).

Why important: for general public: because they influence our understanding and knowledge of the world (5)

for cultural theorists: good at management of creativity and knowledge; and economic, social and cultural change they bring.

Relevance to my research: Useful to look at what is "industry" for my research around "industrial engineering". Also cultural industries, as something that influences our understanding of the word, are directly linked to ideology, as a totality of society's ideas.

Which industries looks at: broadcasting, film, music, publishing, video games, advertising, web design.

- - - -

Notes:

9 arguments (changes in cultural industry) (3):

  • Economic value. Cultural industry companies can no longer be seen as secondary to the ‘real’ economy
  • Ownership. Large companies in the sector operate across a number of different cultural industries. They are also connected, due to having similar nature.
  • Scale. There are much more medium and small companies and relationships between them and large companies are complex.
  • Impact of digitalisation. Easier access to content.
  • Impact of digitalisation(2). Cultural production easier than previously transcends national borders; US influence is becoming less prominent.
  • Reach. There is greater emphasis on audience research, marketing and addressing ‘niche’ audiences.
  • Government policy and regulation. Local urban and social policy changes to proritize cultural activities as means regenrating economies and gaining competitive advantage.
  • Growing expenses on advertising.
  • Advertising (2). Advertising penetrates areas previously protected from it.

Naysayers: (1) of course there are not only changes, but continuities too (2) describes opinion that internet has triumphed and TV, music and publishing are dying. Users are new creators (denies this by the facts that tell us that those industries are doing as well as previously; but the logic flawed since we cannot uderstand whether we are talking about present or (near) future).

Motivation for his research: Hesmondhalgh refers, firstly, to his experience of growing up as an Irish person in an English town, where he right from his teens learned that the cultural industries had a role in maintaining power relations and distorting people’s understanding of them. Secondly, he is also a fan of popular culture.

tags: cultural, industry, change, economy, ownership, digitlisation, reach, advertising
categories: research notes
Wednesday 10.16.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Situated knowledge: the world as the trickster

Justin Chavanelle, unsplash

Justin Chavanelle, unsplash

Haraway, Donna. “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective.” Feminist Studies14, no. 3 (1988): 575–99. https://doi.org/10.2307/3178066.

0. Introduction.

Claim: Situated knowledge for Haraway is embodied feminist objectivity, which means "a view from somewhere" (590). It is the knowledge that opposes transcendence and splitting of subject and object. (583) There is no way to be in all, or wholly in any, positions structured by race, class and gender. This means that knowledge, instead of going towards universality, needs to strive to become partial (while nevertheless rigorous). However, that does not mean rejection of Science all together - that would mean to lose rigorousness in favor of total relativism.

Method: The truth claims (of science) can be deconstructed by showing historical specificity and so contestability (578). A usable doctrine of objectivity can be devised by comparing radical constructivism (successor science project) with feminist critical empiricism (postmodernist accounts of difference). (580)

Her usual analytical tool is a table of the common themes in scientific/ideological discourses. She puts them side by side to visualize how within each theme the opposing elements structure each other dialectically. However, she also points out that the table view implies that the terms are mutually exclusive or simply alternative (588, 599). She explains the terms rather as nodes in the network of meanings.

STS critique of objectivity. Haraway aligns with Social constructionists in her claim? Equals science to rhetoric. Ideological doctrine of scientific method and all the philosophical verbiage about epistemology, she claims, were cooked up to distract our attention from getting to know the world effectively by practicing the sciences.

Feminist critique of objectivity: Marxism polluted at the source because its theory is structured around the domination of nature in self-construction of man and inability to acknowledge the things women did outside of wage labour (eg ignoring social reproduction). Haraway finds it helpful though because of its provides the tools for nuanced theories of mediation and critiquing hegemony without disempowering positivisms and relativisms.

She points out though that object relations theory in psychoanalysis has given feminism in the US much more than Marx or Althusser (578).

Objectivity in postmodernism, she notes, cannot be about unproblematic objects, but about specific prosthesis and partial translations. It is about crafting a comparative knowledge (597).

Feminist empiricism - Haraway is critical of that too, since to her it is quite positivist and also insists on legitimate meanings of objectivity.

She sees a problem is to balance the account of radical historical contingency of all knowledge claims and knowing subjects with a faithful account of a 'real' world.

We need the power of modern critical theories of how meanings and bodies get made, not in order to deny meanings and bodies, but in order to build meanings and bodies that have a chance for life (580).

Science to Haraway is a discourse contained in English language and is reductionist in the same way as money is reductionist in capitalism: "What money does in the exchange orders of capitalism, reductionism does in the powerful mental orders of global sciences" (580) - hence the call for "successor science projects" (quoting Sandra Harding, 1987).

World Championship Coyote Calling Contest

World Championship Coyote Calling Contest

1. Vision

Method: "Parallel dissections". In order to crack open mystified units like science or woman, Haraway finds the common ideological aspects of discourse on science and gender.

Vision is crucial for Haraway here because it is a point of convergence of various aspects such as the gaze and point of view. It is about the power to see (587). The gaze is approached critically as something that constructs the idea of male and white.

Screenshot 2019-09-06 at 18.32.51.png

Haraway talks about irresponsibility of vision, irresponsible meaning unable to be called into account. The way I see it, this argues scientific view which 'irresponsible' because it always seeks suppot from other claims, and thus is not accountable on it own. Point of view goes back to the voice of the subaltern and the discussion of the ways in which such voices are preferred because they are allow for denial and interpretive core of all knowledge. (584) However, Haraway also warns that the 'capacity to see from the peripheries and the depths' (583) also should not be romanticised and needs to be subjected to critical reexamination, decoding and deconstruction.

Haraway opposes relativism equally to totalisation, deeming them both as 'myths in rhetorics surrounding science' (584). She argues that these two positions do not stand in opposition to one another, as it is usually assumed. To her the alternative lies a responsible kind of partial view, something that she defines as "passionate detachment" (587) - this means detachment from dominant axes of knowledge.

Vision is entangled with moral, technological and political discourses. Who gets to see, who gets blinded and who gets multiple points of view? (587)

The notion of location embedded in the definition of "situ"-ated knowledge is gaining a new traction in the context of my project which sees software as the site of ideological production. "Location is about vulnerability" Haraway suggests (590). It resists the politics of closure and finality. The only way to find objectivity, to her is to be somewhere in particular - a view of objectivity as positioned rationality.

Coyote Tucson, Arizona Sonoran Desert

Coyote Tucson, Arizona Sonoran Desert

2. Apparatus of bodily production

Claim: there is an ambiguity when referring to "science" because the field is highly heterogenous. Haraway admits that she reduced the whole of this broad field, generally defining it as an institutionalized knowledge production with high stakes in ideological struggles. Haraway's resolution to such ambiguity is that throughout all sciences, no matter how varied, there is a pattern that refers to how faithful the account of object of knowledge is to "real world" - i.e., objectivity (591)

Meanwhile, feminists shy away from doctrines of scientific objectivity (on the basis of the "object" of knowledge being passive), a tendency deplored by Haraway. This, she says, damages the critique because only leads to two understandings such knowledge: either (1) as a reduction of the view of the world to an instrument for destructive capitalist projects, or (2) as masks for certain hegemonic interests.

In her example of sex vs gender, Haraway points out that there needs to be a "productive tension" between the authoritarian biological account of sex and gender as socially positioned difference. To strip gender of any biological category would be to lose too much. Not only would it give up the analytic power of particular Western tradition, but would also assume the body as blank page for social inscriptions. Similar damage from tension happens in other natural sciences. (591) As she mentions earlier in the essay, science is needed precisely because it has always been utopian and visionary (585).

Here Haraway takes time to discuss the position of capitalist colonialism in greater detail: "White Capitalist Patriarchy", a.k.a humanists, need a representation of the world as an object, and nature as raw resource for culture.

She opposes this view by the vision of a world as an actor and agent - something she calls situated knowledge (592). As she explains, the world becomes an agent when it is explicitly shown that politics and ethics provide the grounds for objectivity across all of science, both natural and sociological included (593).

What does Haraway propose instead? (1) view of the world as active subject implies that science will be tricked, yet seemingly no example for such "trickstery" is proposed. (2) "activation" of previously passive objects of knowledge (Haraway's own method used in Primate Visions, 1989). By interpreting the sociological construction of the notion of gender via primatology, the binary distinctions get "permanently problematized" (594). Body is no longer the resource, but an agent. What is important to Haraway here is that such activated image (of the female in this case) creates a situated conversation at every level of its articulation. In other words, embodied feminist objectivity.

Haraway adopts the notion of apparatus from literary theory and applies it to critical scientific discourse. Katie King's (1987) "apparatus of literary production" is a methodological framework she develops to analyse women and writing technologies (595). It is a matrix of art, business and technology from which "literature" is born. Haraway adopts this framework to the analyse production of bodies and other objects in scientific knowledge projects.

She presents bodies as "material-semiotic actors", which, similarly to poems being sites of literary production, are sites of bodily production. In poems, language is an actor intependent of intentions and authors, bodies are too the objects of knowledge all of and in themselves.

This allows her to argue that objects are boundary projects, with boundaries seen as shifting, not entirely reliable parameters. The bodies, to Haraway, emerge at the intersection of biological research and writing, medical and other business practices, and technology, as the visualisation she looks earlier in this essay.

tags: situated knowledge, feminism, science, STS, critique
categories: research notes
Friday 10.04.19
Posted by Zhenia Vasiliev
 

Subjects of digital labour: towards the roadmap (2)

Abstract

The problem with today’s critical discourse around the future of work lies in the assumption that methods used by worker’s right movements are readily available for use in digital labour. In the same way as we have argued for the workers’ rights in industrial production and service industries, the assumption tells us, we can now adopt the same methods to software engineering and other new types of labour that involve provision of digital services produced and delivered over the internet. Indeed, this is quite obvious that exploitation of workers online is no less and is often higher than in offline and colocated labour. Numerous efforts are made to adopt traditional methods of collective bargaining and self-organisation to digital labour without any further interrogation. Yet any attempt of unionisation are largely met with worker’s scepticism. Struggles to bring down exploitation by arguing full time employment and benefits are met as attempts to undermine the freedom of lifestyle choices. Platform coops remain the esoteric endeavour of the few, not supported by the majority of global remote workforce. Why such efforts are short lived or fail at the very outset? Traditional worker inquiry has no tools to provide the answer. 

My research addresses this gap by claiming that the difference between seemingly similar spheres of industrial and software engineering is much larger than meets the eye, and indeed so vast that new analytical methods need to be devised in order to access digital labour in full detail. What makes the two so different? Firstly, industrial production is using the economic model which makes profit from making identical copies of same products. In software engineering, products are not goods, but processes in the perpetual state of becoming, not only constantly updated, but usually customised for each customer. Secondly, industrial production is dependent on extraction of fossil fuels, while software production uses extraction of time in order to make teams more effective and deliver value early. Lastly, the key players, the manager and the worker, come in completely different forms and have different relationships. In the industrial model, the worker is a distinct individual that is connected to performing a certain service in a certain location often together  with other workers, and manager’s role is focused on administration. In digital labour where the product is both the software and the user experience, the product is largely created not by the worker but by the algorithm, individuals performing the work may not be in touch. The engineer in this context becomes a mixed figure combining the features of administrator with those of the worker. 

Having determined the key role software plays in remote digital labour, the research aims at developing a mode of ideological critique of such software, as the way to theorise the subjects of digital labour as something fluid and constantly changing depending on the work and the rituals used to perform it. Why such study is important? As mentioned previously, such theoretical tool is required to delineate software production from production of physical commodities and will thus position me and other researchers in the field better to understand what kind of possible futures for this labour can be imagined. On the other hand, my research contributes to the broader discourse around the future of work as a whole, which is a theme that is extensively debated in academic circles as well as by wider audience. 

Marvin Meyer, Unsplash

Marvin Meyer, Unsplash

Methodology

In order to observe the changes involved in the paradigm shift from industrial to computational logic of labour, and to construct the proposed ideological critique, I compare the two spheres using the matrix with four categories - entrepreneur ideology, corporate cultures, topology and abstraction. The figure of the subject that emerges through this matrix is applied in the project to software engineering but is potentially applicable across the broad range of other services delivered online. In contrast to sociological methods used in today’s study of platform labour by Oxford Internet Institute and other research organisations in the field of society and internet, my aim is to develop a distinctly critical mode of inquiry that would look at the ideological implications in the sphere densely involved with software. In order to do this, I have to combine methods from three disciplines. Feminist critique of work and constructionist critique of science (Haraway, Beniger) allow to analyse the scientific basis of industrial production model. Topological view helps to draw the parallel of space in physical industry vis a vis virtual space of software, as well as for its argument for political life of forms of knowledge that present themselves a purely technical (Neilson, Cowen). Theorisation of abstraction (Kittler, Gehl) in combination with Simondon’s notion of individuation are required for analysing the notion of the subject with regards to human-computer interaction (HCI). Beside these three methodological sets, traditional worker’s inquiry along with its theorisation of the working class and the meaning of alienation of workers in remote vs colocated employment is re-assessed in light of the radical shift in digital labour discussed above.

This project's key innovation does not lie in its approach to subjects themselves, the models of labour it analyses or the application of comparative analysis, but rather in the argument of the previously ignored differences between the two types labour, which would potentially help us gain a better position for analysing them. 

Chapter overview.

Five theoretical chapters that look at the key themes. Each chapter is broken down in three sections, (1) industrial (colocated) engineering, (2) software (remote) practices and (3) comparing the relationship of key trends in each to the subjects of labour.

Corporate cultures. Comparison of waterfall vs agile workflows. Celebration of teamwork in scrum methodology and traditional work philosophies in history and today (Ford, Taylor, Toyota Way, Amazon). Ways of overlapping of agile into other practices.

Entrepreneur ideology. Broader discussion of ideology and its implication in industrial labour and software (work as ideology vs software as ideology).

Topology.  Comparison of logistics (spatial relation of production) vs software topology (how space is being translated in software). Also similarities here - London tube map vs Google Maps as abstraction of space in and out of software.

Abstraction. Discussion of abstractions in maths, computer science, in Marxian critique. Real abstraction vs interface as abstraction in software.

Subjects. Comparing the figures of industrial worker, software engineers and technical individual. Can we argue that in both spheres technological individual is a broader notion of a worker, which is always already more than human/technological? Working class vs digital working class.

Towards the ideological critique of digital labour. Summary of outcomes and proposition for the new way of analysing digital labour through its subjects.

Empirical study

Ideas to come after the initial engagement with the companies. Still like the idea of having a long-term relationships with individuals over the time of my PhD, but not all of them would be workers (Bryan Stutzman, Workplaceless). Alternatively to the more general internet and society think tanks, it would be more interesting to look at the more hands-on practices connected to software engineering and remote work in general: Workplaceless, Laboratoria - a feminist coding bootcamp based in Latin America. Maybe worth getting in touch with Atlassian, the company that produces the mainstream project management software that is my primary target of critique. Is it worth locating partners among the industrial engineering sector, and which could that be? Eg some kind of robotics used for manufacturing, etc.

Shortlisted institutions in the sphere of more general research in the area: The Centre for Internet & Society in Bangalore, India; Digital Asia Hub in Hong Kong; Sarai, Delhi, India.

tags: corporate cultures, entrepreneur, ideology, topology, abstraction, subjects, labour, abstract, logistics, digital labour
categories: research notes
Thursday 09.19.19
Posted by Zhenia
 

Social formations in technology, part 2: Kern's The Culture of Time and Space 1880-191

Part 2 of a series of short book reviews themed around social formations in technology. Includes Control revolution, 1997, by J.S. Beniger; Anson Rabinbach’s. The Eclipse of the Utopias of Labor, 2018; Stephen Kern’s The Culture of Time and Space 1880-1918, 1983 and Kat Jungnickel’s Bikes and Bloomers, 2018.

Read more

tags: techology, culture, world war I, time, space
categories: research notes
Friday 09.13.19
Posted by Zhenia Vasiliev
 
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